New York mayor’s primary shows split between Democratic ridings | News, Sports, Jobs

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Notoriously incompetent New York City election officials have not finished compiling the votes in the June 22 Democratic primary, with its new ranked-choice voting system. But voters’ top picks – minus some 124,000 absent – nonetheless reveal important things about the differences between different segments of the Democratic coalition in America’s largest city.

These early results were a clear repudiation of left-wing limited-term mayor Bill de Blasio. Brooklyn Borough President and former New York Police Department officer Eric Adams led the way with 31.7%, well ahead of Blasio’s assistant Maya Wiley at 22.2%. The third was Kathryn Garcia, de Blasio’s technocratic sanitation commissioner, with 19.5%. Adams decried and Wiley defended de Blasio’s depoliticization policies, while Garcia cautiously opposed “funding” the police. As was 2020 presidential candidate Andrew Yang, who finished fourth with less than 12%.

Yang won seven of the city’s 63 assembly districts with 27 to 47 percent of the vote – all with many Asian (mostly Chinese) and Orthodox Jewish voters. As the “most detailed” map of the New York Times results shows, he had negligible prime support elsewhere.

The two groups had concrete complaints with de Blasio. The Chinese hated his proposal to get rid of elite high school entrance exams like Stuyvesant and Bronx Science – their children’s path of upward mobility – and the Orthodox resented his obvious prejudices against them.

The wealthy petty nobility liberals, scrambling for places in private schools and doorman quarters where violent crime is still rare, had more abstract concerns. They are wary of the upsurge in violent crime elsewhere in the city, but just as they like to be masked even after being vaccinated, they don’t like to be loud about it.

Their first-choice candidate, backed by the New York Times, was Kathryn Garcia, a native of wealthy Brooklyn Park Slope and an experienced administrator who quietly opposed the police. She transported Manhattan from Tribeca to Morningside Heights, plus the Brooklyn Heights-Prospect Park neighborhood in Brooklyn, Forest Hills in Queens, and far south to Staten Island.

She won around 40% of the first-choice votes in better-off neighborhoods – and less than 10% in most others. The second and third choice votes can give him the win, but that won’t be known for weeks.

De Blasio’s closest candidate was his former lawyer and chair of the Civil Complaints Commission, Maya Wiley. A supporter of police funding, she was supported by Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and former presidential candidates Elizabeth Warren and Julian Castro.

But despite his leftist credentials, Wiley only won 22% of the first-choice votes. She had no gathering districts in Manhattan or the Bronx, and none with large percentages of blacks.

She has completed five assembly districts in Queens and five in Brooklyn, all in various stages of gentrification. They are connected to Manhattan by the No.7, L, and other subway trains, and they are increasingly populated by highly educated, low-income youth who hope to make it in the big city.

It is arguably the largest hipster constituency in the country outside of college towns, and its concerns are echoed heavily in the New York Times newsroom and by civil servants’ union organizers. But their support for depoliticization and socialism, which is not widely shared elsewhere, shows adolescent recklessness in the face of practical consequences.

So how did Eric Adams, a former cop and staunch opponent of police funding, finish number one in the prime votes? He was shunned by wealthy voters in Manhattan and by young hipsters in Brooklyn and Queens, and his support from poorly educated white ethnicities didn’t matter much, as NYC no longer has such neighborhoods. .

His secret is that he ran way ahead, with 45-75% of the first-choice votes in a multi-candidate field, in the heavily black and Latino neighborhoods of the Bronx, Brooklyn and Queens.

There, the cry to fund the police is not an abstract affair, as it always is for wealthy Manhattanites, or a rallying cry for teenagers, as it is for cash-strapped hipsters in the middle-class neighborhoods of Queens. and Brooklyn just across the East River from Manhattan.

Black and Latino homeowners with families and jobs know their neighborhoods can be destroyed and their lives ended by violent criminals. They want more, rather than less, police services in their neighborhoods. “White liberals are more left than black and Hispanic Democrats on just about every issue,” Democrat pollster Davis Shor said in New York Magazine, “even on racial issues or various measures of ‘racial resentment.’

Whoever the clownish New York Election Board ultimately determines as the winner, the division among Democrats is clear. Left-wing policies may be supported by white hipsters with adolescent enthusiasm, but lesser nobility liberals have more and more abstract questions about them, and they are categorically rejected by people of color – Blacks, Latinos, Chinese – for concrete reasons.

Michael Barone is a senior policy analyst for the Washington Examiner, resident researcher at the American Enterprise Institute, and longtime co-author of The Almanac of American Politics.

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