It’s wealthy whites who retreat from the far left
Notoriously incompetent New York City election officials have not finished tallying the votes in the June 22 Democratic primary, with its new ranking voting system. But voters’ top picks – minus some 124,000 absent – nonetheless reveal important things about the differences between different segments of the Democratic coalition in America’s largest city.
These early results were a clear repudiation of left-wing limited-term mayor Bill de Blasio. Brooklyn Borough President and former NYPD cop Eric Adams led the way with 31.7%, well ahead of Blasio’s assistant Maya Wiley at 22.2%. The third was Kathryn Garcia, de Blasio’s technocratic sanitation commissioner, with 19.5%.
Adams decried and Wiley defended de Blasio’s depoliticization policies, while Garcia cautiously opposed âfundingâ the police. So was 2020 presidential candidate Andrew Yang, who finished fourth with less than 12%.
Yang won seven of the city’s 63 assembly districts with 27% to 47% of the vote – all with many Asian (mostly Chinese) and Orthodox Jewish voters. As the “most detailed” map of the New York Times results shows, he had negligible prime support elsewhere.
The two groups had concrete complaints with de Blasio. The Chinese hated his proposal to get rid of elite high school entrance exams like Stuyvesant and Bronx Science – their children’s path of upward mobility – and the Orthodox resented his obvious prejudices against them.
The wealthy petty nobility liberals, scrambling for places in private schools and gatekeepers’ quarters where violent crime is still rare, had more abstract concerns. They are wary of the upsurge in violent crime elsewhere in the city, but just as they like to be masked even after being vaccinated, they don’t like to be loud about it.
Their first-choice candidate, backed by the New York Times, was Kathryn Garcia, a native of wealthy Brooklyn Park Slope and an experienced administrator who quietly opposed the police. She transported Manhattan from Tribeca to Morningside Heights, as well as the Brooklyn Heights-Prospect Park neighborhood in Brooklyn, Forest Hills in Queens, and far south to Staten Island.
She won about 40 percent of the first-choice votes in wealthy areas – and less than 10 percent in most others. The second and third choice votes can give him the win, but that won’t be known for weeks.
De Blasio’s closest candidate was his former lawyer and chair of the Civil Complaints Commission, Wiley. A supporter of police funding, she was supported by Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and former presidential candidates Elizabeth Warren and Julian Castro.
But despite his leftist credentials, Wiley only won 22% of the first-choice votes. She did not perform any staging districts in Manhattan or the Bronx, and none with large black percentages.
She has completed five assembly districts in Queens and five in Brooklyn, all in various stages of gentrification. They are connected to Manhattan by the No.7, L and other subway trains, and they are increasingly populated by highly educated, low-income youth who hope to succeed in the big city.
It is arguably the largest hipster constituency in the country outside of college towns, and its concerns are echoed heavily in the New York Times newsroom and by public-employee union organizers. But their support for depoliticization and socialism, which is not widely shared elsewhere, shows adolescent recklessness in the face of practical consequences.
So how did Eric Adams, a former cop and staunch opponent of police funding, finish No.1 in the first-choice votes? He was shunned by affluent voters in Manhattan and by young hipsters in Brooklyn and Queens, and his support from poorly educated white ethnicities didn’t matter much, as NYC no longer has such neighborhoods. .
His secret is that he ran way ahead, with 45 to 75 percent of the first-choice votes in a multi-candidate field, in the heavily black and Latino neighborhoods of the Bronx, Brooklyn and Queens.
There, the cry to fund the police is not an abstract affair, as it always is for wealthy Manhattanites, or a rallying cry for teenagers, as it is for cash-strapped hipsters in upper-middle-class Queens. and Brooklyn just across the East River from Manhattan.
Black and Latino homeowners with families and jobs know their neighborhoods can be destroyed and their lives ended by violent criminals. They want more, rather than less, police services in their neighborhoods. “White liberals are more left than black and Hispanic Democrats on just about every issue,” Democrat pollster Davis Shor said in New York Magazine, “even on racial issues or various measures of” racial resentment. “
Whoever the clownish New York Election Board ultimately determines as the winner, the division among Democrats is clear. Left-wing policies may be supported by white hipsters with adolescent enthusiasm, but lesser nobility liberals have more and more abstract questions about them, and they are categorically rejected by people of color – Blacks, Latinos, Chinese – for concrete reasons.